Thursday, 13 August 2026

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — IV. The Escape from Biology

The most audacious move in Dawkins's theory of the meme was not the suggestion that ideas can spread.

People had known that for a very long time.

Ideas spread.

Stories spread.

Songs spread.

Religions spread.

Technologies spread.

Languages spread.

The interesting move was to suggest that such phenomena might belong to the same broad family of processes that Darwinian biology had taught us to call evolution.

That proposal changes the question.

Instead of asking why one particular idea has become popular, we can ask how cultural forms persist, vary and change across generations.

Instead of treating culture as something that merely accumulates, we can ask how it develops a history.

Instead of imagining biology as the only domain in which inheritance matters, we can ask whether inheritance might occur in more than one kind of system.

This was the great conceptual escape that memetics attempted:

evolution might not belong exclusively to biology.

Whether the meme provides the right account of that possibility is another matter.

But the possibility itself is worth taking seriously.


Evolution escapes its birthplace

There is a useful distinction between a theory's historical origin and the range of phenomena to which its conceptual resources might eventually apply.

Evolutionary theory emerged from biology.

Darwin was trying to understand the diversification of living forms.

The mechanisms he identified—variation, inheritance and differential reproductive success—belonged to biological populations.

But a theory can sometimes reveal a pattern whose significance extends beyond the circumstances in which it was first recognised.

Once we have learned to think in terms of inheritance and variation, we may begin to notice similar structures elsewhere.

The question then becomes:

Is the similarity superficial, or does it indicate a deeper commonality?

This is exactly the question raised by cultural evolution.

Cultures clearly change over time.

But not all historical change is evolutionary in any interesting sense.

A building can be demolished.

A government can collapse.

A fashion can disappear.

A language can acquire a new word.

The mere fact that something changes does not make the change evolutionary.

What makes the evolutionary comparison interesting is the combination of continuity and transformation.

Something persists across generations while changing in the process.

That is what makes inheritance relevant.

And culture appears to contain an extraordinary abundance of such phenomena.


Culture has lineages

Consider a language.

No individual invented English.

No generation receives English in a finished form.

Yet there is continuity between the English spoken today and earlier forms of the language.

Words are inherited.

Grammatical patterns are inherited.

Genres are inherited.

Ways of organising experience are inherited.

But they do not remain unchanged.

Pronunciations shift.

Meanings shift.

Grammatical patterns change.

New expressions emerge.

Old ones disappear.

Different communities develop different conventions.

The language persists through transformation.

The same can be said of musical traditions.

A musical form can be inherited from predecessors and altered by performers.

A genre can remain recognisable while its conventions change.

A composer can inherit a tradition and radically transform it.

The transformation may become the basis for further inheritance.

Something similar happens with scientific traditions.

A theory is taught.

Its concepts are acquired.

Its methods are practised.

Its distinctions become familiar.

Then someone changes one of them.

The alteration becomes a new resource for subsequent work.

The tradition persists by changing.

These examples make the evolutionary analogy tempting.

There are lineages.

There is inheritance.

There is variation.

There is differential persistence.

And there is cumulative change.

But there is also something that makes cultural evolution profoundly unlike a simple extension of biological reproduction.

The inherited forms are meaningful.


Meaning changes the problem

A gene does not have to be interpreted in order to participate in genetic inheritance.

A cultural form does.

At least, that is true of much of what we ordinarily mean by culture.

A word must be understood—or misunderstood—in order to function as a word.

A ritual must be recognised as a ritual, at least by some participants.

A musical convention must be learned as a convention.

A scientific concept must be used within practices that give it its significance.

A gesture can become meaningful only within some system in which that gesture has a place.

This does not mean that cultural inheritance is entirely conscious.

Much of it is not.

Children acquire patterns of language without explicitly formulating the grammar they are learning.

People reproduce social practices without being able to explain them.

Musicians can follow conventions they could never state in theoretical terms.

Institutions can preserve assumptions that nobody remembers choosing.

But meaningfulness remains part of the organisation of the system.

Culture is not simply a population of physical objects being copied.

It is organised through semiotic resources.

That makes the evolutionary problem considerably more interesting.


The semiotic world

This is where the SFL conception of culture becomes important.

Culture can be understood as a semiotic system: a system of meanings and meaning-making possibilities that is realised through language and through other semiotic systems.

Language is not the whole of culture.

Nor is culture reducible to language.

But language is a central semiotic resource through which cultural meanings are made available, negotiated, preserved and transformed.

Other semiotic systems operate alongside it and interact with it.

Visual forms can distinguish, classify and represent.

Gesture can organise interpersonal relations.

Architecture can embody distinctions between public and private, sacred and ordinary, accessible and forbidden.

Dress can construe identities and relationships.

Diagrams can make complex relations available for reasoning.

Mathematical notation can provide a highly specialised semiotic resource for constructing certain kinds of knowledge.

Technologies can organise what kinds of semiotic action are possible.

The cultural world is therefore not a single stream of information.

It is a multimodal organisation of meaning-making resources.

And that changes what cultural inheritance might mean.


From things to potentials

The meme encourages us to ask:

What cultural thing is being replicated?

A semiotic perspective suggests another question:

What meaning-making potential is being inherited?

Consider language again.

When a child acquires English, the child does not receive a copy of the English language.

There is no cultural object called English that is transferred intact from one generation to another.

Instead, the child gradually acquires the ability to participate in a system of meaning.

The child learns ways of construing experience.

Ways of enacting relationships.

Ways of organising discourse.

Ways of distinguishing possibilities that the culture has made significant.

In SFL terms, the system provides a potential.

Actual utterances are instances of that potential.

The distinction matters.

A language can remain recognisably the same system even though no two speakers produce exactly the same set of utterances.

And the system itself can change as speakers continually instantiate its possibilities in new circumstances.

This gives us a different picture of cultural continuity.

The system persists not because its instances are copied identically, but because its potential remains available for further instantiation.


Reproduction is not replication

This may be the point at which the meme begins to look less satisfactory.

Suppose a child learns a song.

The child sings it.

Another child learns it from them.

Perhaps the melody remains recognisable.

But the tempo changes.

The pronunciation changes.

A phrase is altered.

A new verse is added.

The song is moved into a different cultural context.

Perhaps its emotional significance changes.

Has the song been replicated?

In one sense, certainly something has been reproduced.

But the reproduction is not necessarily a matter of copying an invariant cultural object.

What persists is a pattern of possibilities from which further performances can be generated.

The same is true of a genre.

A genre persists because new texts can be produced that instantiate its conventions.

No individual text is the genre.

The genre is a systemic potential realised in an ongoing series of instances.

And the instances can themselves modify the system.

A sufficiently innovative text can become a model for later texts.

A new convention can emerge.

A boundary can shift.

A previously marginal possibility can become central.

The system changes because it is being used.

This is a very different picture from a population of little entities attempting to reproduce themselves.


The inheritance of possibility

There is a deeper consequence here.

If culture is a semiotic system, then what is inherited may be less like content and more like possibility.

A culture does not merely tell people what to think.

It provides resources through which things can be thought, said, shown, enacted and valued.

It makes some distinctions readily available.

Others may be difficult to formulate.

Some categories become obvious.

Others may require conceptual innovation before they can even be articulated.

Some relationships become naturalised.

Others become difficult to imagine.

The inherited system therefore does not simply contain meanings.

It organises a potential for meaning.

This gives us a particularly interesting interpretation of cultural evolution.

A cultural system changes when the range, organisation or relative accessibility of its meaning-making possibilities changes.

A new word can make a distinction easier to articulate.

A new genre can make a new kind of experience expressible.

A new notation can make a previously difficult relation manipulable.

A new musical form can make a different kind of affective organisation available.

A new institution can stabilise a new pattern of social relations.

A new conceptual distinction can open a new region of thought.

In each case, cultural change can involve the transformation of what can be meaningfully done.

That is a richer problem than the replication of cultural objects.


But Dawkins was still onto something

At this point it would be easy to declare victory for semiotics.

We should resist that temptation.

Dawkins's insight remains.

Cultural forms do exhibit persistence.

They do undergo variation.

They do spread differentially.

Some forms become extraordinarily successful.

Some disappear.

Some are copied with remarkable fidelity.

Some mutate rapidly.

Some combine with others.

Some become entrenched in institutions.

Some prove exceptionally resistant to change.

The evolutionary vocabulary remains illuminating.

What we should question is not whether culture evolves, but what kind of evolutionary system culture is.

The meme may have identified a genuine phenomenon while offering an overly narrow account of its mechanism.

That is a much more interesting conclusion than simply saying that memetics is wrong.

Perhaps Dawkins discovered the question of cultural inheritance without discovering its ultimate unit.

Perhaps the analogy works at the level of process while failing at the level of ontology.

Perhaps cultural evolution is genuinely evolutionary without requiring cultural genes.

That possibility deserves careful attention.


Selection without a selector

There is another reason the biological analogy is tempting.

In biology, natural selection does not require a conscious selector.

There is no external judge deciding which organism deserves to survive.

Differential reproductive success emerges from the interaction between inherited variation and environmental conditions.

This can produce remarkably structured outcomes.

The absence of intention does not imply the absence of selection.

That insight transfers surprisingly well to cultural phenomena.

Ideas, practices and symbols do not need to possess intentions in order for some to persist more successfully than others.

A practice may persist because it fits an institutional structure.

A story may persist because it is memorable.

A phrase may persist because it is rhetorically compact.

A technology may persist because infrastructures make it convenient.

A scientific concept may persist because it integrates effectively with an existing body of knowledge.

A ritual may persist because it is embedded in a social institution.

No cultural form needs to want anything.

Its persistence can emerge from the conditions in which it participates.

Here again, however, the analogy should not be pushed too far.

The cultural environment is itself semiotically organised.

Human beings interpret.

They teach.

They deliberately select.

They argue.

They reject.

They transform.

They preserve.

They institutionalise.

The environment in which cultural forms persist is therefore not merely an external physical environment.

It is itself partly constituted by meaning.

This creates a feedback loop that has no straightforward equivalent in the simplest versions of the biological analogy.


The organism is not the only environment

There is another lesson to be drawn from the gene-centred perspective.

Dawkins encouraged us to see the organism partly as an environment within which genes persist.

When the idea is transferred to culture, we might be tempted to imagine human minds as the equivalent environment for memes.

The meme enters the mind.

The meme reproduces.

The human becomes its host.

This is a neat analogy.

It is also potentially misleading.

A human being is not simply a container for cultural material.

Human beings participate in cultural systems.

They interpret the forms they encounter.

They modify them.

They combine them.

They teach them.

They reject them.

They institutionalise them.

And, crucially, they do so through already inherited semiotic resources.

The relationship is therefore reciprocal.

People participate in culture.

Culture organises the possibilities through which people participate.

The distinction between host and inhabitant begins to break down.

We are no longer dealing with an organism containing a parasite-like cultural object.

We are dealing with participants embedded in a system of meaning.


The strange inheritance of language

Language provides perhaps the clearest illustration.

Imagine that English were a meme.

What would the meme be?

The vocabulary?

The grammar?

The phonology?

The pronunciation of particular speakers?

The meanings of particular words?

The conventions of particular genres?

The whole system?

The question rapidly becomes unstable.

But the instability is informative.

It tells us that language does not behave like a population of discrete objects.

A language is a system of options.

Speakers continually instantiate those options.

Some choices become conventional.

Some innovations spread.

Some disappear.

Some become associated with particular social groups.

Some become marked.

Some become unremarkable.

The system changes through its own use.

And because the system is semiotic, the changes can alter not merely what people do but what they can readily mean.

This is cultural inheritance at its most interesting.

A speaker inherits a system that precedes them.

But their use of the system becomes part of the history that later speakers inherit.

The inheritance therefore runs in both directions:

the past constrains the present, and the present modifies what the future can inherit.

That is evolution without replication in the narrow sense.


Parallel semiotic systems

The same principle becomes even clearer when we look beyond language.

A culture can preserve and transform meaning through many semiotic systems at once.

A religious tradition may be inherited through:

  • verbal texts;

  • ritual actions;

  • architecture;

  • images;

  • clothing;

  • bodily practices;

  • spatial arrangements;

  • objects.

None of these is simply a copy of another.

Yet they can participate in a larger cultural organisation.

A scientific tradition may involve:

  • specialised language;

  • mathematical notation;

  • diagrams;

  • instruments;

  • laboratory procedures;

  • conventions of representation;

  • institutional practices.

Again, there is no single cultural object being replicated.

There is a network of semiotic resources that together make a particular way of knowing and acting possible.

This makes cultural inheritance profoundly distributed.

A cultural form can also move between semiotic systems.

An idea expressed verbally can be diagrammed.

A diagram can inspire a mathematical formulation.

A mathematical relation can be embodied in a technological device.

A technological practice can generate new vocabulary.

A musical convention can acquire social meaning through language.

A ritual can be represented visually and then transformed by that representation.

The cultural process is therefore not merely the copying of units.

It involves continual reconstrual and reorganisation across semiotic resources.


Escape, but not escape from materiality

There is one further caution.

To say that cultural evolution escapes biology does not mean that culture escapes materiality.

Culture is enacted by biological organisms.

It depends upon bodies, brains, voices, hands, tools, institutions and physical environments.

Language requires material processes.

Music requires sound.

Writing requires inscriptions.

Images require surfaces or screens.

Ritual requires bodies moving through space.

Technology requires physical infrastructures.

The point is not that culture exists in some immaterial realm.

It is that the organisation of cultural meaning cannot be reduced to the biological processes that provide its material conditions.

This is a distinction worth preserving.

Culture is biologically embodied without being biologically reducible.

Its semiotic organisation emerges through forms of participation that have their own histories and dynamics.

The biological substrate matters.

But it does not exhaust the explanation.

This is the real sense in which evolution can escape biology.

It does not leave biology behind.

It becomes organised at another level.


A second evolutionary domain?

We can now return to the original proposal.

Is culture an evolutionary domain?

Perhaps.

But if it is, its evolutionary dynamics may differ profoundly from those of biological populations.

Its inherited forms are meaningful.

Its participants interpret.

Its environment is partly constituted by the system itself.

Its variations can be deliberate.

Its innovations can be taught.

Its inherited resources can be consciously reconstructed.

Its transformations can become objects of reflection.

And its persistence can depend upon institutions that deliberately preserve particular forms.

None of this invalidates evolutionary thinking.

It tells us that evolutionary thinking must be adapted to the domain in which it is being used.

That may be the deeper lesson of the meme.

Dawkins wanted to liberate evolutionary theory from the organism.

Perhaps we need to liberate the idea of cultural evolution from the replicator.

The first liberation was conceptual.

The second may be semiotic.


From inheritance to participation

We are therefore beginning to see a different picture.

Culture does not merely transmit things.

It provides systems within which people can participate in meaning-making.

The inherited system is available as a potential.

People instantiate that potential in particular acts.

Those acts may reproduce familiar patterns.

They may also modify them.

Some modifications remain local.

Others become conventional.

Some become institutionalised.

Some transform the possibilities available to subsequent participants.

The process is cumulative.

But the cumulative object is not necessarily a growing collection of memes.

It may be a changing semiotic ecology.

That is a much more complicated object.

It is also much closer to the phenomenon we are trying to understand.

For if culture evolves through participation, then the participant is not merely a vessel carrying a cultural unit from one generation to another.

The participant is part of the mechanism through which the inherited system is reproduced and transformed.

And this gives us a new question.

If cultural inheritance is not primarily the transmission of objects, what exactly is it that symbols make possible?

That question takes us to the next stage of our investigation.

The meme asked us to look for the cultural equivalent of the gene.

The semiotic perspective suggests that we should instead look at the conditions under which meaning can be inherited at all.

Perhaps the crucial cultural technology is not the replicator.

Perhaps it is the symbol.

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — III. The Replicator

There is a word at the heart of memetics that looks almost innocent.

Replicator.

It sounds technical. It sounds precise. It sounds as though it names a kind of thing whose existence has simply been discovered.

But the word deserves more attention than that.

For replicator does not merely name an entity. It construes an entity through its relation to a process.

Something replicates.

We call it a replicator.

And once we have done so, it becomes remarkably easy to forget the process from which the noun came.

This is not an objection to the word.

Scientific language needs nouns. It needs ways of stabilising processes as objects of thought and discussion. Without such resources, it would be extraordinarily difficult to build cumulative explanations.

The interesting question is therefore not whether replicator is legitimate.

It is:

What kind of construal does the word make possible?

And once we ask that question, the apparently simple word opens onto a much larger problem concerning process, participant, agency and explanation.


Begin with the clause

Let us start as simply as possible:

The gene replicates.

At first sight, there seems to be nothing remarkable here.

The clause construes a material process in which the gene is a participant.

In the transitivity model, the gene can be analysed as Actor and replicates as the Process.

This is already enough to produce a familiar way of talking:

The gene replicates.

The gene appears to be the one doing the replicating.

But SFL gives us another way of looking at the same experiential configuration.

In the ergative model, the gene can be analysed as Medium.

That is an important difference.

The two analyses do not describe two different biological events. They provide different grammatical perspectives on the same experiential domain.

The transitivity analysis asks, in effect, about the participant that figures as Actor in the unfolding process.

The ergative analysis asks about the participant through which the process is construed as occurring, and whether there is an external Agent bringing the process about.

Consider the explicitly causative clause:

The cellular machinery replicates the gene.

Now the ergative analysis can distinguish:

Agent: the cellular machinery
Process: replicates
Medium: the gene

The gene has not ceased to be biologically important.

But its grammatical role has become clearer.

It is possible for the gene to be construed as Actor when the process is presented in an intransitive clause, while also being construed as Medium when the process is presented ergatively.

That observation should make us cautious about moving directly from Actor to agent in the philosophical sense.

The grammatical role does not establish an intentional agent.

Indeed, the ergative analysis makes visible something that an Actor-centred reading can easily conceal:

a participant through which a process occurs need not be the source of that process.

This distinction will matter.


The process becomes a thing

Now consider another way of construing the same domain:

The replication of the gene occurs through biological processes.

Something has changed.

In:

The gene replicates

the process is expressed congruently by the verb replicates.

In:

The replication of the gene occurs...

the process has been reconstructed as the noun replication.

This is the familiar SFL phenomenon of grammatical metaphor.

A process that was congruently realised by a verb has been reconstrued as a thing-like entity.

That transformation is extraordinarily important to scientific discourse.

Once we have replication, we can say:

replication is rapid;

replication is accurate;

replication depends upon cellular machinery;

replication produces variation under certain conditions.

The process has become something we can classify, compare, qualify and place into further relationships.

This is not a defect.

It is one of the great powers of scientific language.

Nominalisation allows discourse to accumulate experience into stable conceptual forms.

Processes can become objects of reflection.

Relations between processes can become propositions.

Complex explanations can be compressed into compact nominal groups.

Science could scarcely function without this capacity.

But there is a consequence.

Once a process has been reconstrued as a thing, it becomes possible to lose sight of its processual character.

Replication begins to look like something that exists in its own right.

And then we can ask:

What causes replication?

Where does replication occur?

What does replication produce?

What does replication require?

The nominalised process has become a participant in a new network of meanings.

This is often exactly what we want.

But it also means that the language can move us away from the unfolding event and toward a world populated by increasingly stable entities.

That is the power—and the subtle danger—of grammatical metaphor.


But replicator is not simply replication

Here we need to be careful.

It would be tempting to tell a simple story:

replicate → replication → replicator.

But that would collapse two different linguistic developments.

Replication is a nominalisation of the process replicate.

Replicator is a noun formed from replicate with the agentive suffix -or.

They do different conceptual work.

Replication gives us a thing-like construal of the process.

Replicator gives us a noun for an entity characterised in relation to the process.

That distinction is crucial.

We can therefore place the forms beside one another:

replicate — process
replication — process reconstrued as thing
replicator — entity construed through its relation to the process

The last formation is especially interesting because the suffix -or has an agentive tendency.

A generator is something that generates.

An operator is something that operates.

An accelerator is something that accelerates.

A replicator is something that replicates.

The morphological pattern invites us to construe the entity as the one responsible for the process.

But morphology does not by itself settle the ontology.

A generator need not be a conscious agent.

An accelerator need not possess intentions.

An operator in mathematics certainly need not be an agent in the philosophical sense.

The suffix supplies a particular way of construing the relationship between an entity and a process.

What we do with that construal is another matter.


Actor is not Agent

This is where our earlier distinction becomes essential.

In ordinary English, actor and agent can sound almost synonymous.

In SFL, they are not.

Actor belongs to the transitivity model.

Agent belongs to the ergative model.

And neither should simply be equated with philosophical agency.

This matters because the sentence:

The gene replicates

does not tell us that the gene possesses intention, consciousness or purpose.

It tells us how the process is being construed in the clause.

In the transitivity model:

the gene = Actor

In the ergative model, the same participant can be:

the gene = Medium

when the process is construed as one brought about through an Agent.

That gives us a useful warning against a common conceptual slide.

We can move from:

the gene is Actor

to:

the gene is a replicator

without noticing that we have changed the level of description.

And we can move from:

the gene is a replicator

to:

the gene is trying to replicate itself

without noticing that we have made a further interpretive move.

The grammar did not make that last move.

The word replicator did not logically entail it.

Something else has entered the discourse: a construal of evolutionary processes in terms of interests, strategies and persistence.

That is where the language of the selfish gene becomes especially powerful.


The agent hiding in the noun

The interesting feature of replicator, then, is not that it literally contains a philosophical theory of agency.

It doesn't.

Rather, it offers a linguistic resource that makes a particular construal easy.

The process is replication.

The entity associated with that process is the replicator.

The noun therefore invites us to ask:

What does the replicator do?

And the answer seems obvious:

It replicates.

The circle closes.

The entity is defined by the process.

The process is attributed to the entity.

The entity now appears to explain the process.

This is where we need to be careful.

A noun derived from a process does not necessarily explain the process.

Calling something a replicator does not yet tell us why replication occurs.

It tells us how we have chosen to classify the entity in relation to the process.

That distinction is easy to lose because ordinary language is extremely good at making classifications look explanatory.

If we say:

The gene is a replicator.

we may feel that we have identified an important mechanism.

And perhaps we have, depending on what exactly the term is intended to mean.

But the explanatory work lies in the account of the biological processes through which genetic material is copied, inherited, altered and differentially retained.

The noun itself does not perform that work.


Naming a pattern is not explaining it

This is a general problem in scientific reasoning.

Suppose we observe that something tends to occur repeatedly.

We give the pattern a name.

The name becomes convenient.

We then begin to talk about the named phenomenon as though it were a causal object.

Sometimes this is entirely legitimate.

Sometimes the named pattern corresponds to a real mechanism.

Sometimes it is a useful level of abstraction.

But sometimes the name merely packages the phenomenon we were trying to explain.

The danger is especially acute with nouns derived from processes.

Consider:

selection selects.

adaptation adapts.

organisation organises.

replication replicates.

The sentences are grammatically possible.

But they may tell us little more than the original process did.

A noun can give the appearance of explanatory depth without necessarily adding causal content.

Again, the point is not that nominalisation is bad.

It is that nominalisation changes what can be done with an experience in discourse.

It does not automatically change the experience itself.


The scientific virtue of reification

Yet we should resist an overly suspicious attitude toward this process.

Scientific knowledge requires forms of reification.

A physicist speaks of force, energy, field and momentum.

A biologist speaks of inheritance, selection, fitness and replication.

A linguist speaks of process, participant, clause, genre and meaning.

These terms allow complex relations to become stable objects of inquiry.

Without them, cumulative knowledge would be extraordinarily difficult.

The important distinction is therefore not:

reification good / reification bad.

It is:

What has been reified, and what happens to our understanding when we forget that it has been reified?

A nominalised process can become an extremely useful object of thought.

But the thing-like noun should not make us forget the process from which it was abstracted.

This is especially important when we cross levels of organisation.

A gene participates in replication.

A replicator is a way of characterising something in relation to replication.

But neither formulation by itself tells us the whole biological story.

The process extends through relations among genetic material, molecular machinery, cells, organisms and environments.

The noun is useful because it selects one aspect of that organisation.

It becomes misleading only when the selected aspect is mistaken for the whole.


The replicator and the disappearing system

This is perhaps the deepest problem.

The word replicator directs our attention toward a thing.

But replication is not a solitary event.

There must be a system in which replication can occur.

There are mechanisms.

There are substrates.

There are conditions.

There are constraints.

There are interactions.

There are consequences.

There is an environment.

There are processes of inheritance and differential persistence.

The replicator concept isolates one participant within this larger organisation.

That can be extraordinarily productive.

But it can also encourage a particular explanatory direction:

the replicator is there; therefore replication happens.

The system disappears behind the noun.

And once the system disappears, the participant can begin to look like the source.

This is exactly where the ergative perspective becomes philosophically useful.

The question becomes:

What happens if the participant we have made most salient is not the source of the process, but the Medium through which the process is realised?

The question does not deny the importance of the gene.

It relocates it.

The gene matters not because it possesses an independent power to reproduce itself, but because of the role it plays within a larger organisation of biological processes.


From genes to memes

Now we can see why the move from gene to meme is both ingenious and dangerous.

The analogy initially looks straightforward.

Genes are inherited.

Memes are inherited.

Genes vary.

Memes vary.

Genes persist differentially.

Memes persist differentially.

Genes are replicated.

Memes are replicated.

And therefore perhaps memes are cultural replicators.

But notice what has happened.

The word replicator has already done considerable conceptual work in the biological domain.

It has given us a way of selecting a particular participant in an evolutionary process.

When we carry the term across to culture, we carry much of that construal with it.

We begin looking for cultural entities that behave like replicators.

We expect them to be copied.

We expect them to compete.

We expect them to survive.

We expect them to spread.

And eventually we may begin to ask what the meme itself is trying to do.

The metaphorical extension therefore does not merely transfer a scientific term.

It transfers a way of organising the phenomenon.

This is where the distinction between biological and cultural inheritance becomes crucial.


What exactly is copied?

Suppose a person teaches another person a proverb.

What has been replicated?

The words?

Their sequence?

Their grammatical pattern?

Their sound?

Their meaning?

The circumstances in which the proverb is appropriate?

The cultural knowledge required to recognise when it is appropriate?

Or perhaps a potential for producing similar utterances in new circumstances?

The question becomes even more difficult with a concept.

If I explain evolution to you, have I replicated a piece of information?

Have I transferred a representation?

Have I reproduced a semantic pattern?

Have I enabled you to participate in a conceptual system in which the term evolution has a particular range of meanings and relations?

These possibilities are not equivalent.

And culture gives us a phenomenon that biological replication does not straightforwardly capture:

interpretation.

A cultural form can be received and understood differently.

It can be translated.

It can be adapted to a new situation.

It can be deliberately transformed.

It can be misunderstood in a productive way.

It can be embedded in a new practice.

It can acquire meanings that were unavailable in its original context.

The cultural form may therefore persist without being copied in any simple sense.

It can be re-realised.

That is a very different model of inheritance.


The replicator and the semiotic system

This brings us to the question we began to approach in our earlier discussions.

Perhaps the cultural analogue of the gene is not a cultural object at all.

Perhaps culture is better understood as a semiotic system.

Language is one such system.

Other semiotic systems operate alongside it and interact with it: visual forms, music, gesture, bodily practice, material design, diagrams, notation and technological forms, among others.

These systems provide organised possibilities for making meaning.

A child does not inherit a language by receiving a copy of English.

A student does not inherit mathematics by receiving a mathematical object.

A musician does not inherit a musical tradition by copying a physical token of it.

They enter practices in which the relevant semiotic resources are already organised.

They learn to participate.

And in participating, they reproduce the system while also changing it.

This gives us a very different conception of cultural inheritance.

The inherited thing is not necessarily a unit.

It may be a meaning potential.

The continuity is not necessarily the preservation of an object.

It may be the continued availability of a system of semiotic possibilities.

The transmission is not necessarily copying.

It may be participation.


Reproduction without replication

This suggests a distinction that may eventually prove central to our argument:

Cultural reproduction need not be replication.

A cultural form can be reproduced by being used.

A genre survives because people continue to produce texts recognisable as instances of it.

A ritual survives because people continue to enact it.

A language survives because people continue to use its resources.

A scientific tradition survives because people continue to participate in its practices.

A musical tradition survives because performers continually realise and transform its possibilities.

In each case, continuity depends upon repeated instantiation.

But the instances do not have to be identical.

Indeed, if every instantiation were identical, cultural systems would have no capacity for historical development.

What persists is not necessarily the token.

What persists is the capacity to generate recognisable new instances.

And that brings us closer to a semiotic account of inheritance.


The replicator was a useful question

Perhaps we can now see what was both right and wrong about the replicator.

It was right to insist that cultural change should not be thought of as a mysterious process unrelated to inheritance.

It was right to look for mechanisms through which forms persist and vary.

It was right to challenge the assumption that biological organisms are the only things whose histories can be described evolutionarily.

But the concept may have inherited too much from the grammar of its biological metaphor.

The replicator encourages us to look for a thing that reproduces.

The cultural world may instead require us to look for a system that makes reproduction possible.

That is a very different object of inquiry.

And it shifts the question from:

What is the cultural replicator?

to:

What makes cultural inheritance possible?

The latter question does not presuppose the answer.

It leaves open the possibility that what is inherited is a pattern, a practice, a semiotic resource, a conceptual relation, an institutional arrangement, or an organised potential for meaning.

It also leaves open the possibility that several of these participate together.

That seems closer to what culture actually looks like.


The word that started the trouble

The word replicator therefore turns out to be more interesting than it first appeared.

It is not simply a scientific label.

It sits at the intersection of several powerful linguistic resources.

A process can be construed congruently as a Process:

the gene replicates.

The same experiential domain can be reconstrued through grammatical metaphor:

the replication of the gene.

The entity associated with the process can then be named through an agentive derivation:

the replicator.

The replicator can subsequently be placed into a discourse of competition, persistence and interest:

the selfish replicator.

At each step, something has been gained.

The phenomenon becomes easier to talk about.

Relations become easier to stabilise.

Complex processes become easier to compress.

Patterns become easier to compare across domains.

But at each step there is also a possibility of losing sight of something.

The process can disappear behind the noun.

The system can disappear behind the participant.

The Medium can appear to be the source.

A grammatical role can be read as philosophical agency.

A metaphorical construal can begin to look like an ontological discovery.

None of these transitions is inevitable.

But each is available.

And that is why the vocabulary deserves scrutiny.


Beyond the replicator

We began with a question about cultural evolution.

Dawkins's answer encouraged us to look for a cultural replicator.

But perhaps the more we examine the word, the less confident we should become that cultural evolution requires such a unit.

The interesting thing about culture may not be that it contains things that replicate.

It may be that human beings participate in semiotic systems that enable forms of meaning to persist, vary and become available for further participation.

That would still be an evolutionary story.

There would still be inheritance.

There would still be variation.

There would still be differential persistence.

There would still be cumulative historical change.

But the explanatory centre would have shifted.

From the thing to the process.

From the process to the system.

From the isolated participant to its relations.

From replication to re-realisation.

And eventually, perhaps, from transmission to participation.

We should not rush there.

The replicator deserves one final concession.

It was a brilliant conceptual invention because it forced us to ask what an evolutionary process might require.

But a conceptual invention can outlive the assumptions that made it useful.

Once we have learned to ask the question, we are free to change the vocabulary.

Perhaps the most important thing that can be inherited from Dawkins is therefore not the meme.

It is the question of inheritance itself.

What persists?

What changes?

What makes continuity possible?

And what kind of system allows a form to survive precisely by being transformed?

Those questions take us beyond the replicator.

They also take us, unexpectedly, toward the symbol.

And there, the problem of cultural inheritance will become stranger still.

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — II. The Gene That Wanted to Live

There is something almost irresistible about the phrase “the selfish gene.”

It is vivid.

It is memorable.

It gives an abstract process a protagonist.

A gene is no longer merely something that participates in a complex biological system. It appears to have an interest. It wants to survive. It wants to reproduce. It competes with other genes. Organisms become the vehicles through which these ambitions are pursued.

The metaphor is extraordinarily effective.

And that is precisely why we should pause over it.

For the danger of a successful metaphor is not that we mistake it for a metaphor immediately.

It is that, after it has become familiar, we forget that it was one.

The gene did not suddenly acquire desires when Dawkins called it selfish. Nor did it become an agent. What changed was the construal through which we were invited to understand the processes in which genes participate.

This distinction matters.

Because once we have made the gene the protagonist of evolution, it becomes surprisingly difficult to remember that the gene does not, in any ordinary sense, do the things the grammar of the metaphor says it does.

The gene does not want to survive.

It does not decide to reproduce.

It does not compete.

It does not make plans.

And yet it can be extraordinarily useful to speak as though it does.

The question, then, is not whether the metaphor is true.

It is:

What does the metaphor allow us to see, and what does its grammar encourage us to overlook?


The seduction of agency

We understand events partly by assigning roles to participants.

Someone does something.

Something happens to something else.

Someone causes something.

Someone benefits.

Someone suffers.

Human language is extraordinarily good at construing experience in these terms.

And there is good reason for that.

Much of human experience actually does involve agents.

People act.

Animals act.

Institutions act.

Machines can be designed to perform actions.

When we encounter a process whose organisation is complicated, one of the easiest ways to understand it is to imagine an entity standing behind the process and making it happen.

The metaphor of the selfish gene exploits this cognitive and linguistic affordance.

Instead of saying that certain patterns of genetic inheritance tend to persist because of their consequences within a system of reproduction and selection, we can say:

the gene is selfish.

A vast network of processes is compressed into the behaviour of a single participant.

The result is conceptually economical.

It is also rhetorically brilliant.

But economy has a price.

The more readily the metaphor explains the process, the easier it becomes to forget what has been compressed.


From process to participant

There is a deeper linguistic transformation here.

We can begin with a congruent process:

genes are replicated through biological reproduction.

Here replicated is a verb: the process is construed congruently as a Process, with genes participating in it.

We can then reconstrue that process nominally:

the replication of genes through biological reproduction.

Now replication, the process expressed congruently by the verb replicate, has been turned into a noun. It can therefore function grammatically as an entity-like participant in another process.

a gene is involved in replication.

The word replicator makes a further move. Through the agentive suffix -or, an entity is construed in relation to the process of replication as the one that performs it. The language therefore makes it remarkably easy to move from replication to replicator, and from there to the idea that the replicator itself is the agent of replication.

The grammar has begun to do some of the philosophical work for us.


The gene as actor

This is especially visible in the language surrounding the selfish gene.

Genes are said to:

  • compete;

  • survive;

  • reproduce;

  • cooperate;

  • manipulate;

  • suppress;

  • favour;

  • promote;

  • protect.

Again, there is nothing illegitimate about such language.

Scientists routinely use metaphor to make complex processes intelligible. The problem begins only when the metaphor's construal of agency becomes invisible.

The gene is not an actor in the same sense as an organism.

It does not initiate behaviour in pursuit of a goal.

It is a participant within a network of biochemical and reproductive processes.

Those processes include interactions among genes, cells, organisms and environments.

The gene's persistence is a consequence of how it participates in that organisation.

The gene does not need to possess a desire for survival in order for some genetic variants to become more prevalent.

This seems obvious when stated explicitly.

Yet the language of selfishness makes the opposite construal remarkably easy to inhabit.

The metaphor does not merely decorate the explanation.

It gives the explanation a dramatic architecture.

There is a protagonist.

There are competitors.

There are strategies.

There are winners.

There are losers.

There is a struggle for survival.

Evolution becomes a story.

And stories are powerful ways of organising experience.


The advantage of the metaphor

We should therefore resist the temptation to dismiss the metaphor as simply misleading.

It does something genuinely valuable.

The gene-centred perspective draws attention to an important fact about evolutionary processes: the persistence of inherited patterns can be analysed independently of the intentions or interests of individual organisms.

An organism may reproduce without “wanting” its genes to survive.

Indeed, the organism does not need to be interpreted as the ultimate beneficiary of every evolutionary process.

The metaphor of selfishness helps us see that evolutionary persistence can be considered from another level of organisation.

It asks us to follow the inheritance.

Which inherited patterns persist?

Under what conditions?

What consequences do they have for their own continued representation?

How do interactions among inherited variants affect their differential persistence?

These are serious questions.

The metaphor can make them easier to ask.

So the problem is not:

“Selfishness is false, therefore the theory is false.”

The problem is subtler:

A metaphor can illuminate a pattern while simultaneously encouraging us to construe that pattern as the action of an entity.

Its usefulness and its danger are therefore connected.

The same conceptual compression that makes the theory memorable can make its ontology seem more straightforward than it is.


Agency without an agent

This raises a more general question.

Can a process exhibit what looks like agency without there being an agent?

The answer appears to be yes.

A whirlpool moves.

A flame spreads.

A crystal grows.

A market adjusts.

An ecosystem changes.

None of these necessarily requires us to posit an inner subject directing the process.

There can be organised, directional behaviour without intention.

This is important because evolution itself is full of such patterns.

Natural selection can produce structures that look designed without requiring a designer.

Evolution can produce apparent purpose without foresight.

Adaptation can emerge without anticipation.

The existence of organisation does not by itself establish an organising agent.

That distinction is easily obscured when we use strongly agentive language.

If a gene “tries” to survive, we may begin to imagine that its persistence is explained by its attempt.

But the explanatory direction is the other way around.

The persistence is what makes the metaphor of selfishness useful.

The metaphor does not explain the persistence by adding an actual desire.

This is a crucial distinction.

Agency can be a way of construing an organised process without being the mechanism that produces it.


The grammar of evolutionary explanation

From an SFL perspective, this becomes especially interesting because grammar provides different ways of construing the same experiential domain.

Compare:

The gene replicates.

with:

The gene is replicated.

Or:

The gene produces a phenotype.

with:

Genetic processes contribute to the development of a phenotype.

These clauses are not equivalent in their construal.

The first foregrounds the gene as Actor.

The second places the gene in a different participant role (Goal) within a process that happens to it.

Neither clause is necessarily inappropriate in every context.

The point is that they organise our attention differently.

The grammar tells us where to look.

It tells us what counts as the process and what counts as the participant.

It makes some causal relations more salient and others less so.

This is one of the reasons grammatical metaphor deserves our attention.

Nominalisation allows us to package processes into entities.

That is enormously useful for scientific reasoning because it enables processes to become stable objects of discourse.

We can talk about selection, inheritance, replication, adaptation and fitness as though they were things.

This allows us to build increasingly elaborate conceptual structures.

But the gain comes with a possible loss.

Once a process has been nominalised, we can forget that it was ever a process.

And once the resulting noun enters an agentive construction, we can forget that its apparent agency is a grammatical construal.

The language becomes so convenient that the metaphor becomes invisible.


The little theatre of evolution

There is something almost theatrical about the resulting picture.

Imagine the evolutionary stage.

The genes enter.

Some are selfish.

Some cooperate.

Some suppress their competitors.

Some manipulate their organisms.

Some are successful.

Others disappear.

The organisms become vehicles.

The environment becomes the arena.

Selection becomes the judge.

The genes are the players.

It is an extraordinarily effective drama.

And there is genuine explanatory insight within it.

But a drama is not the same thing as the process it represents.

The actors in the drama are linguistic constructions.

The underlying evolutionary processes involve biochemical interactions, developmental processes, reproduction, ecological relations, inheritance and differential persistence.

No little gene stands backstage deciding what to do next.

The metaphor gives us a compressed representation of a distributed process.

The danger is not that the representation is compressed.

Science depends upon compression.

The danger is that the compression can become mistaken for the underlying organisation.


From selfish gene to selfish meme

This matters even more when the metaphor is extended beyond biology.

The gene was described as selfish.

Then the meme was proposed as its cultural analogue.

The meme, too, could now be imagined as something that wants to spread.

A catchy slogan seeks attention.

A religious belief seeks converts.

A political idea seeks adherents.

A tune seeks to be remembered.

An internet meme seeks to go viral.

The language is familiar because it is already built into the metaphor.

But now the danger increases.

At least with the gene, the metaphor is anchored in a well-developed biological theory.

With cultural forms, the underlying processes of inheritance are far less straightforward.

There is no obvious equivalent of DNA replication.

There is no universally agreed cultural unit.

There is no single mechanism by which cultural forms are transmitted.

There is learning, imitation, communication, teaching, ritual, institutions, technologies, language, memory and interpretation.

The metaphor of the selfish meme can conceal all this complexity.

A cultural form appears to be an actor whose only concern is reproduction.

But the form may persist because people find it useful.

Or because an institution preserves it.

Or because it fits existing categories.

Or because it is aesthetically compelling.

Or because it is embedded in a ritual.

Or because a technology makes it easy to transmit.

Or because it gives people a way of understanding their circumstances.

Or because it has become part of the infrastructure of a social practice.

The “meme” does not need to want any of this.

Indeed, perhaps nothing needs to want it.


The problem of the hidden subject

There is a recurrent pattern here.

We encounter an organised process.

We identify a persistent pattern within it.

We give the pattern a name.

The name becomes a noun.

The noun is placed into an agentive grammatical role.

And suddenly the pattern appears to be doing the organising.

This is a powerful form of conceptual compression.

It is also a recurring source of confusion.

We might call this the hidden subject problem.

Who is really acting?

The gene?

The organism?

The population?

The environment?

The developmental system?

The institution?

The individual?

The linguistic system?

The cultural practice?

Sometimes the question itself may be badly posed.

Complex processes may have no single privileged subject.

Their organisation may be distributed across relations among participants.

That possibility is particularly important for evolutionary thinking.

Perhaps evolution does not require an agent at all.

Perhaps it requires only a system in which inherited differences participate in processes that affect their differential persistence.

Once put that way, the selfishness metaphor becomes optional.

It can remain as a vivid way of seeing the pattern.

But it no longer needs to be mistaken for an entity's motive.


What happens when the metaphor becomes literal?

This is where our broader approach to conceptual naturalism becomes useful.

We do not need to ask whether a metaphor is literally true.

That is often the wrong question.

A better sequence is:

What phenomenon does the metaphor help us construe?

Then:

What relations does that construal make salient?

Then:

What does it background?

And finally:

What happens if we begin to treat the metaphorical construal as though it were the structure of the phenomenon itself?

The selfish gene is an excellent case study.

The metaphor foregrounds differential persistence.

It backgrounds the distributed processes through which that persistence occurs.

It makes the gene salient as a participant.

It can make the gene appear to be an agent.

It encourages a language of competition, strategy and interest.

It can therefore reveal something important while simultaneously narrowing the field of vision.

This is not a defect unique to Dawkins.

It is what metaphors do.

Their power comes precisely from the fact that they allow us to see one thing through the organisation of another.

The problem begins when the borrowed organisation becomes invisible.


The organism disappears

There is another consequence worth noticing.

Once the gene becomes the protagonist, the organism can begin to disappear from view.

Yet genes are not reproduced in isolation.

They participate in organisms.

Organisms develop.

They behave.

They interact with environments.

They form populations.

They modify their environments.

Their developmental histories matter.

The causal organisation of biological inheritance is therefore distributed across multiple levels.

A gene-centred perspective can reveal a genuine pattern at one level without making the other levels unreal.

This is an important principle for what follows.

Finding a useful level of description does not make other levels disappear.

The mistake would be to infer:

because genes matter, only genes matter.

The same mistake could later be made with memes:

because cultural forms persist differentially, therefore memes are the fundamental actors of cultural evolution.

The conceptual history of memetics may therefore repeat, at a different scale, a more general temptation:

to mistake a productive level of analysis for the level of reality itself.


From agents back to relations

Perhaps this is the first place where our investigation begins to turn.

The selfish-gene metaphor directs our attention toward entities.

But the processes it describes may be better understood through relations.

A gene has effects because of the biological system in which it participates.

A phenotype emerges through developmental relations.

A variant persists through reproductive and ecological relations.

A cultural form persists through communicative, institutional, technological and semiotic relations.

A concept becomes powerful through its relations with other concepts and practices.

In each case, what matters is not simply what the entity is, but what it can do within a system of relations.

This is very close to the orientation that has guided much of our recent thinking.

Meaning is relational.

Function is relational.

Possibility is relational.

And perhaps evolutionary persistence is relational too.

The metaphor of selfishness gives us a convenient shorthand for one consequence of those relations.

But the relations themselves remain.


The gene did not want to live

We can now return to our title.

The gene that wanted to live never actually wanted anything.

That is not a criticism.

It is the point.

The gene did not need a desire for survival for evolutionary processes to generate differential persistence.

The appearance of purpose can emerge from processes that contain no intending subject.

The metaphor of selfishness gives that emergent pattern a vivid form.

It makes evolution narratable.

It makes the abstract concrete.

It makes the logic memorable.

And it gave Dawkins a way of forcing us to reconsider where evolutionary explanation might properly begin.

But once we have learned what the metaphor can do, we can also learn to see its limits.

The gene is not the protagonist of evolution in the ordinary sense.

It is a participant in processes whose organisation extends far beyond it.

And the same caution will become even more important when we move from genes to memes.

For if the gene can be made to look like an agent by grammar, then the meme can be made to look like an agent by exactly the same machinery.

The meme will spread.

The meme will compete.

The meme will seek hosts.

The meme will reproduce.

The meme will survive.

And before long, we may find ourselves talking about it as though it were a little creature inhabiting the cultural world.

That is the next step in our investigation.

Before we can ask whether memes really exist, however, we need to examine something more fundamental:

what happens when a process becomes a thing, and a thing becomes an agent?

The answer may be hiding in a single word.

Replicator.

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — I. The Question Dawkins Asked

There are questions that become important because they are answered.

And there are questions that become important because, once asked, they can no longer quite be put back where they were.

Richard Dawkins's The Selfish Gene, published in 1976, belongs to the second kind.

The book is often remembered for its provocative central metaphor: the gene is "selfish". It is also remembered for introducing the meme as a cultural analogue of the gene, a replicating unit through which ideas and other cultural forms might undergo an evolutionary process. Both ideas have generated decades of argument, and both can easily be caricatured. The selfish gene becomes a gene with intentions; the meme becomes an idea that wants to reproduce itself.

But beneath these provocative formulations lies a more fundamental and considerably more interesting question.

What, exactly, is capable of evolving?

Darwinian theory had provided an extraordinarily powerful account of the transformation of living forms over generations. But it was possible to imagine the theory as being tied rather closely to its original biological objects: organisms, reproduction, heredity, variation and natural selection.

Dawkins made a conceptual move that loosened that connection.

What if evolution were not fundamentally a theory about organisms?

What if it were a theory about a more general process of inheritance, variation and differential persistence?

And if so, what might happen when the process appeared outside biology?

That is the question with which our investigation begins.


From organisms to inheritance

The history of evolutionary thought is, among other things, a history of changing the scale at which biological explanation takes place.

We can describe what happens to an organism.

We can describe what happens to a population.

We can describe the changing frequency of inherited characteristics.

Dawkins proposed that we look beneath the organism.

The organism, on this view, is not necessarily the ultimate object of evolutionary explanation. It can instead be understood as part of the environment through which inherited information persists and changes.

This is the conceptual force of the gene-centred perspective.

The gene need not be conscious. It need not literally struggle, desire, calculate or make decisions. "Selfishness" is a metaphor for a pattern of differential persistence: variants that contribute to their own continued representation in subsequent generations tend to become more prevalent than variants that do not.

The metaphor is rhetorically powerful because it reverses an ordinary way of looking at evolution.

We are accustomed to saying that organisms reproduce themselves.

Dawkins asks us to look at the process from another angle.

Perhaps organisms are also the means through which genes persist.

This is an important change of perspective.

And once the perspective has been adopted, a further question becomes almost irresistible.

If the evolutionary process can be understood in terms of entities that are copied with variation and differentially retained, why should biology necessarily provide the only possible substrate?

Why should evolution stop at the boundary of the organism?


The possibility of another inheritance

This is where the meme enters.

Dawkins's suggestion was not simply that people have ideas and that ideas sometimes spread.

That observation was ancient.

What was new was the attempt to recognise a structural analogy between biological and cultural processes.

People learn songs.

They repeat stories.

They imitate behaviours.

They acquire customs.

They transmit beliefs.

They teach techniques.

They reproduce words and phrases.

And yet transmission is rarely exact. What is passed on can change. Some forms disappear; others persist. Some become widespread; others remain local. Some are copied with remarkable fidelity; others are transformed almost immediately.

There appears, in other words, to be something resembling inheritance with variation.

Once we notice that, a fascinating possibility opens.

Perhaps evolutionary processes are not intrinsically biological.

Perhaps biology is one domain in which a more general logic of cumulative change becomes visible.

This is the conceptual leap that matters.

The meme was an attempt to name the cultural counterpart of the replicating unit.

Whether it ultimately succeeds is another question.

But the question that produced it is profound:

Can culture evolve in something like the way biological populations evolve?

We should resist answering too quickly.

For the moment, it is enough to notice what the question does.

It asks us to think about culture dynamically.

Not simply as a collection of things people possess.

Not simply as a body of traditions handed down intact.

But as something that changes through transmission.

Culture begins to look less like an archive and more like a process.


Why the analogy is so compelling

There is a reason the analogy between genes and memes has proved so durable.

Both seem to provide a way of thinking about continuity through change.

A biological lineage can persist even though individual organisms die.

Likewise, a cultural form can persist even though individual bearers of it disappear.

A particular song can outlive everyone who first sang it.

A mathematical technique can survive the mathematicians who developed it.

A religious story can cross centuries.

A political concept can pass from one historical setting to another and acquire new meanings along the way.

A word can remain recognisable while its uses change.

A ritual can be repeated for generations while its significance is gradually transformed.

In all these cases, something appears to persist through alteration.

And that is precisely the sort of phenomenon for which evolutionary language is attractive.

Evolution gives us a way of thinking about patterned continuity without requiring identity.

The form does not have to remain exactly the same in order for a lineage to exist.

Indeed, without variation there would be no evolutionary process.

This is one of the deepest insights behind the analogy.

Culture is obviously not static.

But neither is it simply replaced from moment to moment.

There is continuity.

There is transformation.

There is inheritance.

And there is history.

The question is how these are related.


The liberation of evolution

There is, then, something liberating about Dawkins's proposal.

It invites us to stop treating biological evolution as though it were synonymous with evolution itself.

That distinction is easy to miss.

Evolutionary theory arose from biology, but a theory can sometimes reveal a pattern that exceeds the domain in which it was first formulated.

Newtonian mechanics began with terrestrial and celestial motion, but its conceptual machinery was not confined to the particular objects that first motivated it.

Likewise, evolutionary thinking may reveal something about processes of persistence and transformation that is not exhausted by biological reproduction.

The meme is an experiment in that possibility.

It asks us to imagine a second evolutionary domain.

Biological evolution operates through biological inheritance.

Cultural evolution might operate through cultural inheritance.

The analogy need not be exact to be illuminating.

Indeed, analogies are often most productive precisely where they begin to fail.

The interesting question is not whether a culture has genes.

It plainly does not.

The interesting question is whether there are structural features of evolutionary processes that become visible when we compare biological inheritance with cultural inheritance.

That question remains open.

And it is the question we want to preserve.


But what has actually been transferred?

At this point, however, the analogy begins to acquire a complication.

When a gene is inherited, there is a physical mechanism by which genetic material is transmitted.

But what happens when a cultural form is inherited?

Suppose I teach you a song.

What exactly have I transmitted?

The sequence of sounds?

The melody?

The rhythm?

The words?

The performance practice?

The conventions that make the melody recognisable as a particular kind of song?

Or perhaps something more abstract: a potential for producing performances that count as instances of the song?

Suppose instead that I teach you a concept.

What have I transmitted?

A sentence defining it?

A mental representation?

A pattern of use?

A distinction?

A way of organising experience?

A place within a network of related concepts?

The questions become increasingly difficult.

And that difficulty matters.

Because the biological analogy is clearest when we imagine cultural inheritance as the transmission of things.

But culture does not seem to consist simply of things.

It consists, at least in part, of ways of making things meaningful.

A language is not merely a vocabulary.

A musical tradition is not merely a collection of tunes.

A religion is not merely a set of propositions.

A scientific discipline is not merely a storehouse of information.

A culture is organised through systems of distinctions, expectations, practices and meanings.

This suggests that the cultural analogue of biological inheritance may not be a replicated object at all.

Perhaps what is inherited is something closer to a semiotic potential.

That possibility will become important later.

But we should not introduce it too early.

For now, we should stay with Dawkins's question.


The danger of answering the question too soon

There is a temptation, once we recognise the difficulties of memetics, to conclude that the whole project was misguided.

Culture is not biology.

Ideas are not genes.

People do not reproduce memes in the same way that cells reproduce DNA.

Cultural transmission involves interpretation, institutions, learning, language, technology and social practice.

All true.

But none of these observations makes Dawkins's original question disappear.

Indeed, they may make it more important.

If cultural evolution is not simply biological evolution repeated in another medium, then what is it?

What does cultural inheritance consist in?

How can forms of meaning persist across generations?

How can they change without losing all continuity with what came before?

Why do some traditions become extraordinarily stable while others vanish?

Why can a symbolic form survive thousands of years and yet acquire radically different meanings?

Why can a concept invented in one historical world become the basis for possibilities that its originators could never have imagined?

These are evolutionary questions in a broad sense.

They concern the emergence, persistence and transformation of forms across time.

Dawkins did us the service of making the question difficult to ignore.

We do not have to accept his proposed answer in order to inherit the question.


The meme as a conceptual experiment

Perhaps, then, it is best to regard the meme initially not as a discovered object but as a conceptual experiment.

Imagine that cultural forms behave sufficiently like replicating entities that evolutionary reasoning becomes useful.

What can we see?

We can see transmission.

We can see differential persistence.

We can see variation.

We can see competition for attention.

We can see cumulative change.

We can see the dependence of cultural forms upon the environments in which they are reproduced.

And we can see something else.

We can see that culture has a history that is not reducible to the biological histories of the people who participate in it.

Human beings are biological organisms.

But the cultural forms through which human beings live are not simply expressions of their genomes.

Languages have histories.

Institutions have histories.

Scientific concepts have histories.

Musical traditions have histories.

Religious forms have histories.

Technologies have histories.

These histories interact with biological life, but they are not identical to it.

That is already an important result.


The question becomes larger than the meme

Once the distinction is made, however, the meme itself begins to recede.

We started by asking:

What is the cultural equivalent of a gene?

But perhaps that is not quite the right question.

The deeper question may be:

What makes cultural inheritance possible?

That is a different question.

It does not assume that culture must contain discrete units corresponding to genes.

It does not assume that cultural forms are agents.

It does not assume that transmission means copying.

It simply asks how a culture can maintain continuity while changing through time.

And here the word inheritance becomes more interesting than the word replication.

Inheritance implies continuity.

But inheritance does not necessarily imply identity.

A child inherits a language without receiving a copy of the language.

A student inherits a discipline without becoming a copy of their teacher.

A musician inherits a tradition by transforming it.

A culture inherits its past by continually re-enacting it in new circumstances.

The inherited form is therefore neither simply preserved nor simply replaced.

It is re-realised.

That word will matter.


A question about grammar

There is also a linguistic clue hidden in the vocabulary with which we have been thinking.

We routinely say that genes replicate.

We speak of genes as replicators.

We speak of memes as replicators.

We say that memes spread, compete, survive and reproduce.

Such language is extraordinarily useful.

It makes complicated processes imaginable.

But it also deserves scrutiny.

For language does not merely report experience.

It construes experience.

To call something a replicator is already to construe it in a particular way.

The suffix -or is not innocent. It constructs an entity in relation to a process as though it were the one responsible for carrying out that process.

A process becomes a noun.

The noun becomes a participant.

The participant is construed as an actor.

And so:

replication → replicator → the replicator replicates.

The grammar can make a process look as though it has acquired an agent.

This does not make the underlying evolutionary process unreal.

Quite the opposite.

It gives us a reason to become more precise about what is real in the process and what belongs to the metaphor by which we construe it.

That distinction will become central to our investigation.

For the moment, however, it is enough to notice that Dawkins's conceptual move contains two different achievements.

He gave us a new way of seeing evolutionary processes.

And he gave us a vocabulary for talking about them.

Those two things are not necessarily identical.


What Dawkins made possible

The lasting importance of the meme may therefore lie less in whether memes turn out to be the fundamental units of cultural evolution than in what the concept made thinkable.

It made possible the question of whether evolution can cross the boundary between biology and culture.

It drew attention to the possibility that cultural inheritance might have its own mechanisms.

It encouraged us to look for systematic processes of transmission, variation and differential persistence.

It helped make culture appear as something that evolves rather than merely changes.

And it forced us to ask what "evolution" means when the inherited forms are not organisms but meanings, practices and symbols.

Those are substantial achievements.

But once the question has been opened, the original metaphor cannot dictate the answer indefinitely.

The meme may be the beginning of the investigation rather than its conclusion.

Perhaps the cultural world does not contain little replicators moving from mind to mind.

Perhaps what persists is a pattern.

Perhaps what is inherited is a practice.

Perhaps what is reproduced is a semiotic system.

Perhaps what survives is a possibility for meaning.

Perhaps cultural evolution occurs because human beings enter inherited systems of meaning and, by participating in them, transform them.

If so, then the evolutionary process is still there.

What changes is our understanding of what participates in it.


The question we inherit

This is why it would be a mistake to begin our investigation by asking whether Dawkins was right.

The more interesting question is what happens when we inherit his question.

Dawkins asked us to imagine evolution beyond biology.

We can accept the invitation without accepting every consequence of the metaphor that carried us there.

Indeed, that may be the proper way to inherit an idea.

We do not preserve it by leaving it unchanged.

We preserve it by finding out what it can become.

The question that began with the gene can therefore lead somewhere unexpected.

From the gene to the meme.

From the meme to the symbol.

From the symbol to the semiotic system.

From the semiotic system to participation.

From participation to transformation.

And from transformation to a broader question about how cultures preserve and alter their own possibilities for making meaning.

That is where our investigation will eventually take us.

But for now we can leave Dawkins at the threshold.

He has opened the door.

The interesting thing is not whether we should walk through it.

It is what kind of world we discover on the other side.