Thursday, 13 August 2026

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — II. The Gene That Wanted to Live

There is something almost irresistible about the phrase “the selfish gene.”

It is vivid.

It is memorable.

It gives an abstract process a protagonist.

A gene is no longer merely something that participates in a complex biological system. It appears to have an interest. It wants to survive. It wants to reproduce. It competes with other genes. Organisms become the vehicles through which these ambitions are pursued.

The metaphor is extraordinarily effective.

And that is precisely why we should pause over it.

For the danger of a successful metaphor is not that we mistake it for a metaphor immediately.

It is that, after it has become familiar, we forget that it was one.

The gene did not suddenly acquire desires when Dawkins called it selfish. Nor did it become an agent. What changed was the construal through which we were invited to understand the processes in which genes participate.

This distinction matters.

Because once we have made the gene the protagonist of evolution, it becomes surprisingly difficult to remember that the gene does not, in any ordinary sense, do the things the grammar of the metaphor says it does.

The gene does not want to survive.

It does not decide to reproduce.

It does not compete.

It does not make plans.

And yet it can be extraordinarily useful to speak as though it does.

The question, then, is not whether the metaphor is true.

It is:

What does the metaphor allow us to see, and what does its grammar encourage us to overlook?


The seduction of agency

We understand events partly by assigning roles to participants.

Someone does something.

Something happens to something else.

Someone causes something.

Someone benefits.

Someone suffers.

Human language is extraordinarily good at construing experience in these terms.

And there is good reason for that.

Much of human experience actually does involve agents.

People act.

Animals act.

Institutions act.

Machines can be designed to perform actions.

When we encounter a process whose organisation is complicated, one of the easiest ways to understand it is to imagine an entity standing behind the process and making it happen.

The metaphor of the selfish gene exploits this cognitive and linguistic affordance.

Instead of saying that certain patterns of genetic inheritance tend to persist because of their consequences within a system of reproduction and selection, we can say:

the gene is selfish.

A vast network of processes is compressed into the behaviour of a single participant.

The result is conceptually economical.

It is also rhetorically brilliant.

But economy has a price.

The more readily the metaphor explains the process, the easier it becomes to forget what has been compressed.


From process to participant

There is a deeper linguistic transformation here.

We can begin with a congruent process:

genes are replicated through biological reproduction.

Here replicated is a verb: the process is construed congruently as a Process, with genes participating in it.

We can then reconstrue that process nominally:

the replication of genes through biological reproduction.

Now replication, the process expressed congruently by the verb replicate, has been turned into a noun. It can therefore function grammatically as an entity-like participant in another process.

a gene is involved in replication.

The word replicator makes a further move. Through the agentive suffix -or, an entity is construed in relation to the process of replication as the one that performs it. The language therefore makes it remarkably easy to move from replication to replicator, and from there to the idea that the replicator itself is the agent of replication.

The grammar has begun to do some of the philosophical work for us.


The gene as actor

This is especially visible in the language surrounding the selfish gene.

Genes are said to:

  • compete;

  • survive;

  • reproduce;

  • cooperate;

  • manipulate;

  • suppress;

  • favour;

  • promote;

  • protect.

Again, there is nothing illegitimate about such language.

Scientists routinely use metaphor to make complex processes intelligible. The problem begins only when the metaphor's construal of agency becomes invisible.

The gene is not an actor in the same sense as an organism.

It does not initiate behaviour in pursuit of a goal.

It is a participant within a network of biochemical and reproductive processes.

Those processes include interactions among genes, cells, organisms and environments.

The gene's persistence is a consequence of how it participates in that organisation.

The gene does not need to possess a desire for survival in order for some genetic variants to become more prevalent.

This seems obvious when stated explicitly.

Yet the language of selfishness makes the opposite construal remarkably easy to inhabit.

The metaphor does not merely decorate the explanation.

It gives the explanation a dramatic architecture.

There is a protagonist.

There are competitors.

There are strategies.

There are winners.

There are losers.

There is a struggle for survival.

Evolution becomes a story.

And stories are powerful ways of organising experience.


The advantage of the metaphor

We should therefore resist the temptation to dismiss the metaphor as simply misleading.

It does something genuinely valuable.

The gene-centred perspective draws attention to an important fact about evolutionary processes: the persistence of inherited patterns can be analysed independently of the intentions or interests of individual organisms.

An organism may reproduce without “wanting” its genes to survive.

Indeed, the organism does not need to be interpreted as the ultimate beneficiary of every evolutionary process.

The metaphor of selfishness helps us see that evolutionary persistence can be considered from another level of organisation.

It asks us to follow the inheritance.

Which inherited patterns persist?

Under what conditions?

What consequences do they have for their own continued representation?

How do interactions among inherited variants affect their differential persistence?

These are serious questions.

The metaphor can make them easier to ask.

So the problem is not:

“Selfishness is false, therefore the theory is false.”

The problem is subtler:

A metaphor can illuminate a pattern while simultaneously encouraging us to construe that pattern as the action of an entity.

Its usefulness and its danger are therefore connected.

The same conceptual compression that makes the theory memorable can make its ontology seem more straightforward than it is.


Agency without an agent

This raises a more general question.

Can a process exhibit what looks like agency without there being an agent?

The answer appears to be yes.

A whirlpool moves.

A flame spreads.

A crystal grows.

A market adjusts.

An ecosystem changes.

None of these necessarily requires us to posit an inner subject directing the process.

There can be organised, directional behaviour without intention.

This is important because evolution itself is full of such patterns.

Natural selection can produce structures that look designed without requiring a designer.

Evolution can produce apparent purpose without foresight.

Adaptation can emerge without anticipation.

The existence of organisation does not by itself establish an organising agent.

That distinction is easily obscured when we use strongly agentive language.

If a gene “tries” to survive, we may begin to imagine that its persistence is explained by its attempt.

But the explanatory direction is the other way around.

The persistence is what makes the metaphor of selfishness useful.

The metaphor does not explain the persistence by adding an actual desire.

This is a crucial distinction.

Agency can be a way of construing an organised process without being the mechanism that produces it.


The grammar of evolutionary explanation

From an SFL perspective, this becomes especially interesting because grammar provides different ways of construing the same experiential domain.

Compare:

The gene replicates.

with:

The gene is replicated.

Or:

The gene produces a phenotype.

with:

Genetic processes contribute to the development of a phenotype.

These clauses are not equivalent in their construal.

The first foregrounds the gene as Actor.

The second places the gene in a different participant role (Goal) within a process that happens to it.

Neither clause is necessarily inappropriate in every context.

The point is that they organise our attention differently.

The grammar tells us where to look.

It tells us what counts as the process and what counts as the participant.

It makes some causal relations more salient and others less so.

This is one of the reasons grammatical metaphor deserves our attention.

Nominalisation allows us to package processes into entities.

That is enormously useful for scientific reasoning because it enables processes to become stable objects of discourse.

We can talk about selection, inheritance, replication, adaptation and fitness as though they were things.

This allows us to build increasingly elaborate conceptual structures.

But the gain comes with a possible loss.

Once a process has been nominalised, we can forget that it was ever a process.

And once the resulting noun enters an agentive construction, we can forget that its apparent agency is a grammatical construal.

The language becomes so convenient that the metaphor becomes invisible.


The little theatre of evolution

There is something almost theatrical about the resulting picture.

Imagine the evolutionary stage.

The genes enter.

Some are selfish.

Some cooperate.

Some suppress their competitors.

Some manipulate their organisms.

Some are successful.

Others disappear.

The organisms become vehicles.

The environment becomes the arena.

Selection becomes the judge.

The genes are the players.

It is an extraordinarily effective drama.

And there is genuine explanatory insight within it.

But a drama is not the same thing as the process it represents.

The actors in the drama are linguistic constructions.

The underlying evolutionary processes involve biochemical interactions, developmental processes, reproduction, ecological relations, inheritance and differential persistence.

No little gene stands backstage deciding what to do next.

The metaphor gives us a compressed representation of a distributed process.

The danger is not that the representation is compressed.

Science depends upon compression.

The danger is that the compression can become mistaken for the underlying organisation.


From selfish gene to selfish meme

This matters even more when the metaphor is extended beyond biology.

The gene was described as selfish.

Then the meme was proposed as its cultural analogue.

The meme, too, could now be imagined as something that wants to spread.

A catchy slogan seeks attention.

A religious belief seeks converts.

A political idea seeks adherents.

A tune seeks to be remembered.

An internet meme seeks to go viral.

The language is familiar because it is already built into the metaphor.

But now the danger increases.

At least with the gene, the metaphor is anchored in a well-developed biological theory.

With cultural forms, the underlying processes of inheritance are far less straightforward.

There is no obvious equivalent of DNA replication.

There is no universally agreed cultural unit.

There is no single mechanism by which cultural forms are transmitted.

There is learning, imitation, communication, teaching, ritual, institutions, technologies, language, memory and interpretation.

The metaphor of the selfish meme can conceal all this complexity.

A cultural form appears to be an actor whose only concern is reproduction.

But the form may persist because people find it useful.

Or because an institution preserves it.

Or because it fits existing categories.

Or because it is aesthetically compelling.

Or because it is embedded in a ritual.

Or because a technology makes it easy to transmit.

Or because it gives people a way of understanding their circumstances.

Or because it has become part of the infrastructure of a social practice.

The “meme” does not need to want any of this.

Indeed, perhaps nothing needs to want it.


The problem of the hidden subject

There is a recurrent pattern here.

We encounter an organised process.

We identify a persistent pattern within it.

We give the pattern a name.

The name becomes a noun.

The noun is placed into an agentive grammatical role.

And suddenly the pattern appears to be doing the organising.

This is a powerful form of conceptual compression.

It is also a recurring source of confusion.

We might call this the hidden subject problem.

Who is really acting?

The gene?

The organism?

The population?

The environment?

The developmental system?

The institution?

The individual?

The linguistic system?

The cultural practice?

Sometimes the question itself may be badly posed.

Complex processes may have no single privileged subject.

Their organisation may be distributed across relations among participants.

That possibility is particularly important for evolutionary thinking.

Perhaps evolution does not require an agent at all.

Perhaps it requires only a system in which inherited differences participate in processes that affect their differential persistence.

Once put that way, the selfishness metaphor becomes optional.

It can remain as a vivid way of seeing the pattern.

But it no longer needs to be mistaken for an entity's motive.


What happens when the metaphor becomes literal?

This is where our broader approach to conceptual naturalism becomes useful.

We do not need to ask whether a metaphor is literally true.

That is often the wrong question.

A better sequence is:

What phenomenon does the metaphor help us construe?

Then:

What relations does that construal make salient?

Then:

What does it background?

And finally:

What happens if we begin to treat the metaphorical construal as though it were the structure of the phenomenon itself?

The selfish gene is an excellent case study.

The metaphor foregrounds differential persistence.

It backgrounds the distributed processes through which that persistence occurs.

It makes the gene salient as a participant.

It can make the gene appear to be an agent.

It encourages a language of competition, strategy and interest.

It can therefore reveal something important while simultaneously narrowing the field of vision.

This is not a defect unique to Dawkins.

It is what metaphors do.

Their power comes precisely from the fact that they allow us to see one thing through the organisation of another.

The problem begins when the borrowed organisation becomes invisible.


The organism disappears

There is another consequence worth noticing.

Once the gene becomes the protagonist, the organism can begin to disappear from view.

Yet genes are not reproduced in isolation.

They participate in organisms.

Organisms develop.

They behave.

They interact with environments.

They form populations.

They modify their environments.

Their developmental histories matter.

The causal organisation of biological inheritance is therefore distributed across multiple levels.

A gene-centred perspective can reveal a genuine pattern at one level without making the other levels unreal.

This is an important principle for what follows.

Finding a useful level of description does not make other levels disappear.

The mistake would be to infer:

because genes matter, only genes matter.

The same mistake could later be made with memes:

because cultural forms persist differentially, therefore memes are the fundamental actors of cultural evolution.

The conceptual history of memetics may therefore repeat, at a different scale, a more general temptation:

to mistake a productive level of analysis for the level of reality itself.


From agents back to relations

Perhaps this is the first place where our investigation begins to turn.

The selfish-gene metaphor directs our attention toward entities.

But the processes it describes may be better understood through relations.

A gene has effects because of the biological system in which it participates.

A phenotype emerges through developmental relations.

A variant persists through reproductive and ecological relations.

A cultural form persists through communicative, institutional, technological and semiotic relations.

A concept becomes powerful through its relations with other concepts and practices.

In each case, what matters is not simply what the entity is, but what it can do within a system of relations.

This is very close to the orientation that has guided much of our recent thinking.

Meaning is relational.

Function is relational.

Possibility is relational.

And perhaps evolutionary persistence is relational too.

The metaphor of selfishness gives us a convenient shorthand for one consequence of those relations.

But the relations themselves remain.


The gene did not want to live

We can now return to our title.

The gene that wanted to live never actually wanted anything.

That is not a criticism.

It is the point.

The gene did not need a desire for survival for evolutionary processes to generate differential persistence.

The appearance of purpose can emerge from processes that contain no intending subject.

The metaphor of selfishness gives that emergent pattern a vivid form.

It makes evolution narratable.

It makes the abstract concrete.

It makes the logic memorable.

And it gave Dawkins a way of forcing us to reconsider where evolutionary explanation might properly begin.

But once we have learned what the metaphor can do, we can also learn to see its limits.

The gene is not the protagonist of evolution in the ordinary sense.

It is a participant in processes whose organisation extends far beyond it.

And the same caution will become even more important when we move from genes to memes.

For if the gene can be made to look like an agent by grammar, then the meme can be made to look like an agent by exactly the same machinery.

The meme will spread.

The meme will compete.

The meme will seek hosts.

The meme will reproduce.

The meme will survive.

And before long, we may find ourselves talking about it as though it were a little creature inhabiting the cultural world.

That is the next step in our investigation.

Before we can ask whether memes really exist, however, we need to examine something more fundamental:

what happens when a process becomes a thing, and a thing becomes an agent?

The answer may be hiding in a single word.

Replicator.

The Evolution of Meaning: Memes, Symbols, and the Inheritance of Culture — I. The Question Dawkins Asked

There are questions that become important because they are answered.

And there are questions that become important because, once asked, they can no longer quite be put back where they were.

Richard Dawkins's The Selfish Gene, published in 1976, belongs to the second kind.

The book is often remembered for its provocative central metaphor: the gene is "selfish". It is also remembered for introducing the meme as a cultural analogue of the gene, a replicating unit through which ideas and other cultural forms might undergo an evolutionary process. Both ideas have generated decades of argument, and both can easily be caricatured. The selfish gene becomes a gene with intentions; the meme becomes an idea that wants to reproduce itself.

But beneath these provocative formulations lies a more fundamental and considerably more interesting question.

What, exactly, is capable of evolving?

Darwinian theory had provided an extraordinarily powerful account of the transformation of living forms over generations. But it was possible to imagine the theory as being tied rather closely to its original biological objects: organisms, reproduction, heredity, variation and natural selection.

Dawkins made a conceptual move that loosened that connection.

What if evolution were not fundamentally a theory about organisms?

What if it were a theory about a more general process of inheritance, variation and differential persistence?

And if so, what might happen when the process appeared outside biology?

That is the question with which our investigation begins.


From organisms to inheritance

The history of evolutionary thought is, among other things, a history of changing the scale at which biological explanation takes place.

We can describe what happens to an organism.

We can describe what happens to a population.

We can describe the changing frequency of inherited characteristics.

Dawkins proposed that we look beneath the organism.

The organism, on this view, is not necessarily the ultimate object of evolutionary explanation. It can instead be understood as part of the environment through which inherited information persists and changes.

This is the conceptual force of the gene-centred perspective.

The gene need not be conscious. It need not literally struggle, desire, calculate or make decisions. "Selfishness" is a metaphor for a pattern of differential persistence: variants that contribute to their own continued representation in subsequent generations tend to become more prevalent than variants that do not.

The metaphor is rhetorically powerful because it reverses an ordinary way of looking at evolution.

We are accustomed to saying that organisms reproduce themselves.

Dawkins asks us to look at the process from another angle.

Perhaps organisms are also the means through which genes persist.

This is an important change of perspective.

And once the perspective has been adopted, a further question becomes almost irresistible.

If the evolutionary process can be understood in terms of entities that are copied with variation and differentially retained, why should biology necessarily provide the only possible substrate?

Why should evolution stop at the boundary of the organism?


The possibility of another inheritance

This is where the meme enters.

Dawkins's suggestion was not simply that people have ideas and that ideas sometimes spread.

That observation was ancient.

What was new was the attempt to recognise a structural analogy between biological and cultural processes.

People learn songs.

They repeat stories.

They imitate behaviours.

They acquire customs.

They transmit beliefs.

They teach techniques.

They reproduce words and phrases.

And yet transmission is rarely exact. What is passed on can change. Some forms disappear; others persist. Some become widespread; others remain local. Some are copied with remarkable fidelity; others are transformed almost immediately.

There appears, in other words, to be something resembling inheritance with variation.

Once we notice that, a fascinating possibility opens.

Perhaps evolutionary processes are not intrinsically biological.

Perhaps biology is one domain in which a more general logic of cumulative change becomes visible.

This is the conceptual leap that matters.

The meme was an attempt to name the cultural counterpart of the replicating unit.

Whether it ultimately succeeds is another question.

But the question that produced it is profound:

Can culture evolve in something like the way biological populations evolve?

We should resist answering too quickly.

For the moment, it is enough to notice what the question does.

It asks us to think about culture dynamically.

Not simply as a collection of things people possess.

Not simply as a body of traditions handed down intact.

But as something that changes through transmission.

Culture begins to look less like an archive and more like a process.


Why the analogy is so compelling

There is a reason the analogy between genes and memes has proved so durable.

Both seem to provide a way of thinking about continuity through change.

A biological lineage can persist even though individual organisms die.

Likewise, a cultural form can persist even though individual bearers of it disappear.

A particular song can outlive everyone who first sang it.

A mathematical technique can survive the mathematicians who developed it.

A religious story can cross centuries.

A political concept can pass from one historical setting to another and acquire new meanings along the way.

A word can remain recognisable while its uses change.

A ritual can be repeated for generations while its significance is gradually transformed.

In all these cases, something appears to persist through alteration.

And that is precisely the sort of phenomenon for which evolutionary language is attractive.

Evolution gives us a way of thinking about patterned continuity without requiring identity.

The form does not have to remain exactly the same in order for a lineage to exist.

Indeed, without variation there would be no evolutionary process.

This is one of the deepest insights behind the analogy.

Culture is obviously not static.

But neither is it simply replaced from moment to moment.

There is continuity.

There is transformation.

There is inheritance.

And there is history.

The question is how these are related.


The liberation of evolution

There is, then, something liberating about Dawkins's proposal.

It invites us to stop treating biological evolution as though it were synonymous with evolution itself.

That distinction is easy to miss.

Evolutionary theory arose from biology, but a theory can sometimes reveal a pattern that exceeds the domain in which it was first formulated.

Newtonian mechanics began with terrestrial and celestial motion, but its conceptual machinery was not confined to the particular objects that first motivated it.

Likewise, evolutionary thinking may reveal something about processes of persistence and transformation that is not exhausted by biological reproduction.

The meme is an experiment in that possibility.

It asks us to imagine a second evolutionary domain.

Biological evolution operates through biological inheritance.

Cultural evolution might operate through cultural inheritance.

The analogy need not be exact to be illuminating.

Indeed, analogies are often most productive precisely where they begin to fail.

The interesting question is not whether a culture has genes.

It plainly does not.

The interesting question is whether there are structural features of evolutionary processes that become visible when we compare biological inheritance with cultural inheritance.

That question remains open.

And it is the question we want to preserve.


But what has actually been transferred?

At this point, however, the analogy begins to acquire a complication.

When a gene is inherited, there is a physical mechanism by which genetic material is transmitted.

But what happens when a cultural form is inherited?

Suppose I teach you a song.

What exactly have I transmitted?

The sequence of sounds?

The melody?

The rhythm?

The words?

The performance practice?

The conventions that make the melody recognisable as a particular kind of song?

Or perhaps something more abstract: a potential for producing performances that count as instances of the song?

Suppose instead that I teach you a concept.

What have I transmitted?

A sentence defining it?

A mental representation?

A pattern of use?

A distinction?

A way of organising experience?

A place within a network of related concepts?

The questions become increasingly difficult.

And that difficulty matters.

Because the biological analogy is clearest when we imagine cultural inheritance as the transmission of things.

But culture does not seem to consist simply of things.

It consists, at least in part, of ways of making things meaningful.

A language is not merely a vocabulary.

A musical tradition is not merely a collection of tunes.

A religion is not merely a set of propositions.

A scientific discipline is not merely a storehouse of information.

A culture is organised through systems of distinctions, expectations, practices and meanings.

This suggests that the cultural analogue of biological inheritance may not be a replicated object at all.

Perhaps what is inherited is something closer to a semiotic potential.

That possibility will become important later.

But we should not introduce it too early.

For now, we should stay with Dawkins's question.


The danger of answering the question too soon

There is a temptation, once we recognise the difficulties of memetics, to conclude that the whole project was misguided.

Culture is not biology.

Ideas are not genes.

People do not reproduce memes in the same way that cells reproduce DNA.

Cultural transmission involves interpretation, institutions, learning, language, technology and social practice.

All true.

But none of these observations makes Dawkins's original question disappear.

Indeed, they may make it more important.

If cultural evolution is not simply biological evolution repeated in another medium, then what is it?

What does cultural inheritance consist in?

How can forms of meaning persist across generations?

How can they change without losing all continuity with what came before?

Why do some traditions become extraordinarily stable while others vanish?

Why can a symbolic form survive thousands of years and yet acquire radically different meanings?

Why can a concept invented in one historical world become the basis for possibilities that its originators could never have imagined?

These are evolutionary questions in a broad sense.

They concern the emergence, persistence and transformation of forms across time.

Dawkins did us the service of making the question difficult to ignore.

We do not have to accept his proposed answer in order to inherit the question.


The meme as a conceptual experiment

Perhaps, then, it is best to regard the meme initially not as a discovered object but as a conceptual experiment.

Imagine that cultural forms behave sufficiently like replicating entities that evolutionary reasoning becomes useful.

What can we see?

We can see transmission.

We can see differential persistence.

We can see variation.

We can see competition for attention.

We can see cumulative change.

We can see the dependence of cultural forms upon the environments in which they are reproduced.

And we can see something else.

We can see that culture has a history that is not reducible to the biological histories of the people who participate in it.

Human beings are biological organisms.

But the cultural forms through which human beings live are not simply expressions of their genomes.

Languages have histories.

Institutions have histories.

Scientific concepts have histories.

Musical traditions have histories.

Religious forms have histories.

Technologies have histories.

These histories interact with biological life, but they are not identical to it.

That is already an important result.


The question becomes larger than the meme

Once the distinction is made, however, the meme itself begins to recede.

We started by asking:

What is the cultural equivalent of a gene?

But perhaps that is not quite the right question.

The deeper question may be:

What makes cultural inheritance possible?

That is a different question.

It does not assume that culture must contain discrete units corresponding to genes.

It does not assume that cultural forms are agents.

It does not assume that transmission means copying.

It simply asks how a culture can maintain continuity while changing through time.

And here the word inheritance becomes more interesting than the word replication.

Inheritance implies continuity.

But inheritance does not necessarily imply identity.

A child inherits a language without receiving a copy of the language.

A student inherits a discipline without becoming a copy of their teacher.

A musician inherits a tradition by transforming it.

A culture inherits its past by continually re-enacting it in new circumstances.

The inherited form is therefore neither simply preserved nor simply replaced.

It is re-realised.

That word will matter.


A question about grammar

There is also a linguistic clue hidden in the vocabulary with which we have been thinking.

We routinely say that genes replicate.

We speak of genes as replicators.

We speak of memes as replicators.

We say that memes spread, compete, survive and reproduce.

Such language is extraordinarily useful.

It makes complicated processes imaginable.

But it also deserves scrutiny.

For language does not merely report experience.

It construes experience.

To call something a replicator is already to construe it in a particular way.

The suffix -or is not innocent. It constructs an entity in relation to a process as though it were the one responsible for carrying out that process.

A process becomes a noun.

The noun becomes a participant.

The participant is construed as an actor.

And so:

replication → replicator → the replicator replicates.

The grammar can make a process look as though it has acquired an agent.

This does not make the underlying evolutionary process unreal.

Quite the opposite.

It gives us a reason to become more precise about what is real in the process and what belongs to the metaphor by which we construe it.

That distinction will become central to our investigation.

For the moment, however, it is enough to notice that Dawkins's conceptual move contains two different achievements.

He gave us a new way of seeing evolutionary processes.

And he gave us a vocabulary for talking about them.

Those two things are not necessarily identical.


What Dawkins made possible

The lasting importance of the meme may therefore lie less in whether memes turn out to be the fundamental units of cultural evolution than in what the concept made thinkable.

It made possible the question of whether evolution can cross the boundary between biology and culture.

It drew attention to the possibility that cultural inheritance might have its own mechanisms.

It encouraged us to look for systematic processes of transmission, variation and differential persistence.

It helped make culture appear as something that evolves rather than merely changes.

And it forced us to ask what "evolution" means when the inherited forms are not organisms but meanings, practices and symbols.

Those are substantial achievements.

But once the question has been opened, the original metaphor cannot dictate the answer indefinitely.

The meme may be the beginning of the investigation rather than its conclusion.

Perhaps the cultural world does not contain little replicators moving from mind to mind.

Perhaps what persists is a pattern.

Perhaps what is inherited is a practice.

Perhaps what is reproduced is a semiotic system.

Perhaps what survives is a possibility for meaning.

Perhaps cultural evolution occurs because human beings enter inherited systems of meaning and, by participating in them, transform them.

If so, then the evolutionary process is still there.

What changes is our understanding of what participates in it.


The question we inherit

This is why it would be a mistake to begin our investigation by asking whether Dawkins was right.

The more interesting question is what happens when we inherit his question.

Dawkins asked us to imagine evolution beyond biology.

We can accept the invitation without accepting every consequence of the metaphor that carried us there.

Indeed, that may be the proper way to inherit an idea.

We do not preserve it by leaving it unchanged.

We preserve it by finding out what it can become.

The question that began with the gene can therefore lead somewhere unexpected.

From the gene to the meme.

From the meme to the symbol.

From the symbol to the semiotic system.

From the semiotic system to participation.

From participation to transformation.

And from transformation to a broader question about how cultures preserve and alter their own possibilities for making meaning.

That is where our investigation will eventually take us.

But for now we can leave Dawkins at the threshold.

He has opened the door.

The interesting thing is not whether we should walk through it.

It is what kind of world we discover on the other side.